Nouveau nom fn

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Il dirige seul pour la première fois, la ville de , de 1989 à 1992. Another conflict that is part of the party's background was the many frontistes, including Le Pen, were directly involved in the war , and the right-wing dismay over the decision by French President to abandon his promise of holding on to.



L'universitaire Emmanuelle Reungoat indique en 2015 : « Si l'on peut identifier des nouveau nom fn dans les discours sur le projet européen impulsés par la direction mariniste depuis le début de l'année 2011, la critique de l'Union européenne UE constitue une met doctrinale stable du programme du FN depuis la fin des années 1980. Enseuls 5 candidats frontistes font leur entrée à Strasbourg. For other organizations, see. Après avoir prôné le changement de nom, il y a quelques semaines il défendait le statu quo. Author - Angelique Chrisafis. Finle ring se retrouve en difficulté financière avec une dette de huit millions d'euros et en grande perte de vitesse électorale sur fond de succession difficile à sa tête. Rassemblement national has already been the name of a French party, led by the extreme-right lawyer. Les informations peuvent fréquemment note suivant l'évolution nouveau nom fn évènements et de l'actualité.

Fin , le parti se retrouve en difficulté financière avec une dette de huit millions d'euros et en grande perte de vitesse électorale sur fond de succession difficile à sa tête. Du fait du mode de scrutin proportionnel pour les élections régionales, le Front national a eu un nombre significatif d'élus dans plusieurs conseils régionaux.


USP-S Skins - Les instances du parti sont renommées : le comité central devient le conseil national, le bureau politique devient le bureau national mais le bureau exécutif lui ne change pas de nom.


This article is about the French political party. For the World War II French resistance movement, see. For other organizations, see. The National Rally : Rassemblement national, RN , formerly known as the National Front : Front national, pronounced ; FN until 2018, is a and in. Most political commentators place the RN on the but other sources suggest that the party's position on the has become more difficult to define clearly. Owing to the French electoral system, the party's representation in public office has been limited, despite its significant share of the vote. Its major policies include opposition to the French membership of the , the and the , economic , a approach to issues, and opposition to. As an anti- party, the FN has opposed the since its creation. The party was founded in 1972 to unify a variety of of the time. While the party struggled as a marginal force for its first ten years, since 1984 it has been the major force of. The was the first in France to include a National Front candidate in the run-off, after Jean-Marie Le Pen beat the Socialist candidate in the first round. In the run-off, he finished a distant second to. In April 2017, she temporarily stepped down in order to concentrate on being the presidential candidate and to unite voters. Since her election as the leader of the party in 2011, the popularity of the FN continued to grow apace: the party won several municipalities at the ; it became the first French party at the with 25% of the votes; and again in the last in France. They once again came out in 1st place in the last with a historic result of just under 28% of the votes. By 2015, the FN has established itself as one of the largest political forces in France, unusually being both most popular and most unpopular political party. At the party congress on 11 March 2018, Marine Le Pen proposed renaming the party to Rassemblement national National Rally , pending approval by a vote of party members. On 1 June 2018, she announced the renaming of the party after its approval by 80. The FN maintains that the nation is concrete that is, a reality rather than an abstraction; such point of view is in direct opposition to the French Revolution itself and its legacy. One of the primary progenitors of the party was the , founded at the end of the 19th century, and its descendants in the Restauration Nationale, a pro-monarchy group that supports the claim of the to the French throne. Another conflict that is part of the party's background was the many frontistes, including Le Pen, were directly involved in the war , and the right-wing dismay over the decision by French President to abandon his promise of holding on to. In the , Le Pen unsuccessfully attempted to consolidate the right-wing vote around the right-wing presidential candidate. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, the French far-right consisted mainly of small extreme movements such as , GUD , and the ON. Early years Foundation 1972—1973 While the ON had competed in some local elections since 1970, at its second congress in June 1972 it decided to establish a new political party to contest the. The party was launched on 5 October 1972 under the name National Front for French Unity Front national pour l'unité française , or Front National. In order to create a broad movement, the ON sought to model the new party as it earlier had sought to model itself on the more established MSI , which at the time appeared to establish a broad coalition for the Italian right. The FN adopted a French version of the MSI tricolour flame as its logo. It wanted to unite the various French far-right currents, and brought together Le Pen's nationalist group, 's Party of French Unity, 's Justice and Liberty movement, former , Algerian War veterans, and some monarchists, among others. Le Pen was chosen to be the first president of the party, as he was untainted with the militant public image of the ON and was a relatively moderate figure on the far-right. The National Front fared poorly in the , receiving 0. In 1973 the party created a youth movement, the Front national de la jeunesse National Front of the Youth, FNJ. The rhetoric used in the campaign stressed old far-right themes and was largely uninspiring to the electorate at the time. Otherwise, its official program at this point was relatively moderate, differing little from the mainstream right. The more radical elements of the ON were not persuaded, and reverted to hard activism. They were banned from the party later that year. Le Pen soon became the undisputed leader of the party, although this cost it many leading members and much of its militant base. In the , Le Pen failed to find a mobilising theme for his campaign. Many of its major issues, such as , were shared by most of the mainstream right. The campaign further lost ground when the published a denunciation of Le Pen's alleged involvement in torture during his time in Algeria. In his first presidential election, Le Pen gained only 0. FN—PFN rivalry 1973—1981 Following the 1974 election, the FN was obscured by the appearance of the PFN , founded by FN dissidents largely from the ON. Their competition weakened both parties throughout the 1970s. Following the death of Duprat in a bomb attack, the revolutionary nationalists left the party, while Stirbois became Le Pen's deputy as his solidarists effectively ousted the tendency in the party leadership. The far right was marginalised altogether in the , although the PFN was better off. It fielded Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour as its primary candidate, while Le Pen called for voter abstention. For the , both Le Pen and Pascal Gauchon of the PFN declared their intentions to run. However, an increased requirement on support by elected officials had been introduced for the election, which left both Le Pen and Gauchon unable to stand for the election. In France, parties have to secure support from a specific number of elected officials, from a specific number of departments, in order to be eligible to run for election. In 1976, the number of required elected officials was increased fivefold, and the number of departments threefold. The election was won by of the PS , which gave the national power for the first time in the Fifth Republic; he then dissolved the National Assembly to call a snap legislative election. The PS attained its best ever result with an in the. With only three weeks to prepare its campaign, the FN fielded only a limited number of candidates and won only 0. The PFN was even worse off, and the election marked the effective end of competition from the party. Jean-Marie Le Pen's era Electoral breakthrough 1982—1988 2001 , the long-time leader of the FN. While the French party system had been dominated by polarisation and competition between the clear-cut ideological alternatives of two political blocs in the 1970s, the two blocs had largely moved towards the centre by the mid-1980s. By October 1982, Le Pen supported the prospect of deals with the mainstream right, provided that the FN did not have to soften its position on key issues. In the , the centre-right RPR and centrist UDF formed alliances with the FN in a number of towns. The most notable result came in the , where Le Pen was elected to the local council with 11% of the vote. Later by-elections kept media attention on the party, and it was for the first time allowed to pose as a viable component of the broader right. In a by-election in in October, the FN won 17% of the vote. With the choice of defeat to the political left or dealing with the FN, the local RPR and UDF, to a minor national sensation, agreed to form an alliance with the FN, and together won the second round with 55% of the vote. The events in Dreux were a monumental factor for the rise of the FN. Le Pen protested the media boycott against his party by sending letters to President Mitterrand in mid-1982. After some letter exchanges, Mitterrand instructed the heads of the main television channels to give equitable coverage to the FN. The in June came as a shock, as the FN won 11% of the vote and ten seats. Notably, the election used proportional representation and had a low level of importance, which played to the party's advantage. The FN made inroads in constituencies of both the right and left, and finished second in a number of towns. While many Socialists had arguably exploited the party in order to divide the right, Mitterrand later conceded that he had underestimated Le Pen. By July, 17% of opinion poll respondents held a positive opinion of the FN. By the early 1980s, the FN featured a mosaic of ideological tendencies and attracted figures who were previously resistant to the party. The party managed to draw supporters from the mainstream right, including some high-profile defectors from the RPR, UDF, and CNIP. In the 1984 European elections, eleven of the 81 FN candidates came from these parties, and the party's list also included an and a although in unwinnable positions. The FN won 8. For the the FN took advantage of a new proportional representation system that had been imposed by Mitterrand in order to moderate a foreseeable defeat for his PS. In the election, the FN won 9. Many of its seats could be filled by a new wave of respectable political operatives, notables, who had joined the party after its 1984 success. The RPR won a majority with smaller centre-right parties, and thus avoided the need to deal with the FN. Although it was unable to exercise any real political influence, the party could project an image of political legitimacy. The party's time in the National Assembly effectively came to an end when reinstated the two-round system of majority voting for the next election. In held on the same day, it won 137 seats, and gained representation in 21 of the 22 French regional councils. The RPR depended on FN support to win presidencies in some regional councils, and the FN won vice-presidential posts in four regions. Consolidation 1988—1997 Le Pen's campaign for the upcoming presidential election unofficially began in the months following the 1986 election. To promote his statesmanship credentials, he made trips to South East Asia, the United States, and Africa. The management of the formal campaign, launched in April 1987, was entrusted to , one of the new notables. With his entourage, Le Pen traversed France for the entire period and, helped by Mégret, employed an American-style campaign. Le Pen's presidential campaign was highly successful; no candidates came close to rival his ability to excite audiences at rallies and boost ratings at television appearances. In the , Le Pen won an unprecedented 14. The FN was hurt in the snap by the return two-ballot majority voting, by the limited campaign period, and by the departure of many notables. In the election the party retained its 9. Following some comments made by Le Pen and the FN newspaper National Hebdo in the late 1980s, some valuable FN politicians left the party. Other quarrels soon also left the party without its remaining member of the National Assembly. In November 1988, general secretary Jean-Pierre Stirbois, who, together with his wife Marie-France, had been instrumental in the FN's early electoral successes, died in a car accident, leaving Bruno Mégret as the unrivalled de facto FN deputy leader. The FN only got 5% in the , while the RPR announced it would reject any alliance with the FN, now including at local level. In the , the FN held on to its ten seats as it won 11. In the wake of FN electoral success, the immigration debate, growing concerns over Islamic fundamentalism, and against by , the 1989 was the first major test of the relations between the values of the French Republic and. Following the event, surveys found that French public opinion was largely negative towards Islam. In a 1989 legislative by-election in Dreux, FN candidate Marie-France Stirbois, campaigning on an anti- platform, returned a symbolic FN presence to the National Assembly. By the early 1990s, some mainstream politicians began employing anti-immigration rhetoric. In the first round of the the FN soared to 12. In the , Le Pen rose slightly to 15% of the vote. The FN won an and thus the mayorship in three cities in the : , , and. It had won a mayorship only once before, in the small town of in 1989. The FN pursued interventionist policies with regards to the new cultural complexion of their towns by directly influencing artistic events, cinema schedules, and library holdings, as well as cutting or halting subsidies for multicultural associations. The party won , its fourth town, in a 1997 by-election, where similar policies were pursued. Vitrolles' new mayor Catherine Mégret who ran in place of her husband Bruno went further in one significant measure, introducing a special 5,000 allowance for babies born to at least one parent of French or EU nationality. The measure was ruled illegal by a court, also giving her a suspended prison sentence, a fine, and a two-year ban from public office. Turmoil, split of MNR 1997—2002 and his faction broke out from the FN to form the MNR party. In the the FN polled its best-ever result with 15. It also showed that the party had become established enough to compete without its leader, who decided not to run to focus on the 2002 presidential election. Although it won only one seat in the National Assembly , thanks to a good communication director, it advanced to the second round in 132 constituencies. The FN was arguably more influential now than it had been in 1986 with its 35 seats. While Bruno Mégret and , in an unusual display of dissent, favoured tactical cooperation with a weakened centre-right following the left's victory, Le Pen rejected any such compromise. In the tenth FN national congress in 1997, Mégret stepped up his position in the party as its rising star and a potential leader following Le Pen. Le Pen however refused to designate Mégret as his successor-elect, and instead made his wife Jany the leader of the FN list for the upcoming European election. Mégret and his faction left the FN in January 1999 and founded the MNR , effectively splitting the FN in half at most levels. Many of those who joined the new MNR had joined the FN in the mid-1980s, in part from the Nouvelle Droite, with a vision of building bridges to the parliamentary right. Support for the parties was almost equal in the , as the FN polled its lowest national score since 1984 with just 5. The effects of the split, and competition from more moderate nationalists, had left their combined support lower than the FN result in 1984. Presidential run-off 2002 Logo for Le Pen's 2002 presidential campaign For the , opinion polls had predicted a run-off between incumbent President Chirac and PS candidate. The shock was thus great when Le Pen unexpectedly beat Jospin by 0. This resulted in the first presidential run-off since 1969 without a leftist candidate, and the first ever with a candidate of the far-right. To Le Pen's advantage, the election campaign had increasingly focused on law and order issues, helped by media attention on a number of violent incidents. Jospin had also been weakened due to the competition between an exceptional number of leftist parties. Nevertheless, Chirac did not even have to campaign in the second round, as widespread anti-Le Pen protests from the media and public opinion culminated on , with an estimated 1. Chirac also refused to debate with Le Pen, and the traditional televised debate was cancelled. In the end, Chirac won the presidential run-off with an unprecedented 82. Following the presidential election, the main centre-right parties merged to form the broad-based UMP. The FN failed to hold on to Le Pen's support for the , in which it got 11. It nevertheless outpolled Mégret's MNR, which won a mere 1. Decline 2002—2011 National advertisement in for Le Pen's 2007 presidential bid A new electoral system of two-round voting had been introduced for the , in part in an attempt to reduce the FN's influence in regional councils. The FN won 15. For the too, a new system less favourable to the FN had been introduced. The party regained some of its strength from 1999, earning 9. For the , Le Pen and Mégret agreed to join forces. Le Pen came fourth in the election with 11% of the vote, and the party won no seats in the. These electoral defeats partly accounted for the party's financial problems. Le Pen announced the sale of the FN headquarters in , Le Paquebot, and of his personal armoured car. Twenty permanent employees of the FN were also dismissed in 2008. In the the FN appeared to have re-emerged on the political scene after surprisingly winning almost 12% of the overall vote and 118 seats. Marine Le Pen's era Revival of the FN 2011—2012 Results by region at the first round of the : regions where the National Front gained the most votes in grey. Jean-Marie Le Pen announced in September 2008 that he would retire as FN president in 2010. Le Pen's daughter Marine Le Pen and FN executive vice-president Bruno Gollnisch campaigned for the presidency to succeed Le Pen, with Marine's candidacy backed by her father. On 15 January 2011, it was announced that Marine Le Pen had received the two-thirds vote needed to become the new leader of the FN. She sought to transform the FN into a mainstream party by softening its xenophobic image. Opinion polls showed the party's popularity increase under Marine Le Pen, and in the the party won 15% of the overall vote up from 4. However, due to the French electoral system, the party only won 2 of the 2,026 seats up for election. For the , opinion polls showed Marine Le Pen as a serious challenger, with a few polls even suggesting that she could win the first round of the election. In the event, Le Pen came third in the first round, scoring 17. In the , the National Front won two seats: and. In two polls about presidential favourites in April and May 2013, Marine le Pen polled ahead of president but behind. Electoral successes 2012—2017 In the , lists officially supported by National Front won mayoralties in 12 cities: , , , , , , , , , , and. Following the municipal elections, the National Front has, in cities of over 1,000 inhabitants, 1,546 and 459 councilors at two different levels of local government. Demonstration against National Front in Paris after the results of the 2014 election. The National Front received 4,712,461 votes in the , finishing first with 24. Presidential and parliamentary climax 2017—present On 24 April 2017, a day after the first round of the , Marine Le Pen announced that she would temporarily step down as the party's leader in an attempt to unite voters. In the second round of voting, Le Pen was defeated 66. The party has seemed to have suffered of the demobilization of its popular voters. However, 8 deputies were elected 6 FN and 2 affiliated , the best number for the FN in a majority parliamentary election since its creation proportional mode was used in the 1986 elections. Marine Le Pen was elected for the first time at the National Assembly and has been re-elected. In late 2017, split from FN and formed due to the FN weakening its position on leaving the and. At the conclusion of the party congress in Lille on 11 March 2018, Marine Le Pen proposed renaming the party to Rassemblement national National Rally , while keeping the flame as its logo. The new name was put to a vote of party members. Rassemblement national has already been the name of a French party, led by the extreme-right lawyer. Its was managed by Jean-Marie Le Pen. On 1 June, Le Pen announced that the name change was approved by party adherents with 80. The party's ideology has been broadly described by scholars such as Shields as , and. The FN has changed considerably since its foundation, as it has pursued the principles of modernisation and pragmatism, adapting to the changing political climate. At the same time, its message has increasingly influenced mainstream political parties, although the FN too has moved somewhat closer towards the centre-right. Law and order In 2002, Jean-Marie Le Pen campaigned on a platform of , harsher sentencing, increased prison capacity, and a on re-introducing the. The party opposed the 2016 criminalisation of the use of , on the grounds that it would negatively impact the safety of sex workers. The theme of exclusion of non-European immigrants was brought into the party in 1978 and became increasingly important in the 1980s. Since the 1999 split, the FN has cultivated a more moderate image on immigration and Islam, no longer calling for the systematic repatriation of legal immigrants but still supporting the deportation of illegal, criminal or unemployed immigrants. In recent years the party still opposes immigration, particularly immigration from Africa and the Middle East. Following the 2011 rebellions in several countries, Marine Le Pen has been campaigning on halting the migration of Tunisian and Libyan immigrants to Europe. In November 2015, Front National stated as its goal to have a immigrants minus emigrants of 10,000 in France per year. Since 2013, that yearly net immigration rate was around 140,000 if one reckons only people born abroad from non-French parents, but was around 33,000 if one includes also the departures and returns of French expatriates. Islamism and Islamisation Representatives of Front National have repeatedly connected immigration to Islamism and terrorism. Economy At the end of the 1970s, Le Pen refurbished his party's appeal, by breaking away from the heritage of Poujadism. He instead made an unambiguous commitment to popular , and started espousing an extremely market liberal and antistatist program. Issues included lower taxes, reducing state intervention, and dissolving the bureaucracy. The party's economic policy shifted from the 1980s to the 1990s from to. This occurred within the framework of a changed international environment, from a battle between the and communism, to one between nationalism and globalization. As the party gained growing support from the economically vulnerable, it converted towards politics of social welfare and economic protectionism. Under her leadership, Marine Le Pen has been more clear in her support for protectionism, while she has criticised and capitalism for certain industries. She has been characterised as a proponent of letting the government take care of health, education, transportation, banking and energy. Foreign policy From the 1980s to the 1990s, the party's policy shifted from favouring the to turning against it. In 2002, Jean-Marie Le Pen campaigned on pulling France out of the EU and re-introducing the franc as national currency. Further, it rejected the possible. The FN was also one of several parties that backed France's 2005. In other issues, Le Pen opposed the invasions of Iraq, led by the United States, both in the 1991 and the 2003. He visited in in 1990, and subsequently considered him a friend. Marine Le Pen has advocated that France should leave the along with Spain, Greece and Portugal. She also wants to reintroduce and has campaigned against allowing. During both the and the , she opposed the French military involvements. She has recast the party's image towards , after affirming Israel's right to secure itself from terrorism, and criticising the leadership of. The National Front denounces anti-Russian feelings in Eastern Europe and the submission of Western Europe to 's interests in the region. She sees no other solution for peace in Ukraine than to organize a kind of federation that would allow each region to have a large degree of autonomy. She thinks Ukraine should be sovereign and free as any other nations. View on Nazi history and relations with Jewish groups There has been a difference between Marine Le Pen's and her father's views concerning the and Jews. Jean-Marie Le Pen received fines for this sentence, Bruno Gollnisch was found not guilty by the. The current leader of the party, Marine Le Pen distanced herself for a time from the party machine in protest against her father's comment. During the 2012 presidential elections, Marine Le Pen sought the support of Jewish people in France. As far as their partners in Israel are concerned, I myself don't understand the idea of continuing to develop the. I consider it a political mistake and would like to make it clear in this context that we must have the right to criticize the policy of the State of Israel — just as we are allowed to criticize any sovereign country — without it being considered. This loan is meant to prepare future electoral campaigns and to be repaid progressively. Marine Le Pen has publicly disclosed all the rejection letters that French banks have sent to her concerning her loan requests. Since November 2014, she insists that if a French bank agrees to give her a loan, she would break her contract with the FCBR, but she has not received any other counter-propositions. Le Pen accused the banks of collusion with the current government. In April 2015, a Russian hacker group published texts and emails between Timur Prokopenko, a member of Putin's administration, and Konstantin Rykov, a former Duma deputy with ties to France, discussing Russian financial support to the National Front in exchange for its support of. The FN has been part of several groups in the. The first group it helped co-establish was the after the 1984 election, which also consisted of the MSI , its early inspiration, and the Greek. Following the 1989 election, it teamed up with the German and the Belgian in a new group, while the MSI left due to the Germans' arrival. As the MSI evolved into the , it chose to distance itself from the FN. From 1999 to 2001, the FN was a member of the. In 2007, it was part of the short-lived group. Between the mentioned groups, the party sat among the non-affiliated. It leads the group, which also includes the , Polish , Italian , , the , the , a former member of the and a former member of Romania's. They're also part of the since 2014. During Jean-Marie Le Pen's presidency, the party has also been active in establishing extra-parliamentary confederations. During the FN's 1997 national congress, the FN established the loose group, which consisted of a variety of European parties. Having failed to cooperate in the European Parliament, Le Pen sought in the mid-1990s to initiate contacts with other far-right parties, including from non-EU countries. The FN drew most support in Central and Eastern Europe, and Le Pen visited the Turkish. The significant FPÖ refused to join the efforts, as sought to distance himself from Le Pen, and later attempted to build a separate group. In 2009, the FN joined the ; it left the alliance since. At a conference in 2011, the two new leaders of the FN and the FPÖ, and , announced deeper cooperation between their parties. Pursuing her de-demonization policy, in October 2011, Marine Le Pen, as new president of the National Front, joined the EAF. The EAF is a pan-European sovereigntist platform founded late 2010 that is recognized by the European Parliament. The EAF has individual members linked to the Austrian Freedom Party of , the , and other movements such as the , Belgian Flanders , Germany , and Slovakia. During her visit to the United States, Marine Le Pen met two members of the associated with the , , who is known for his strong stance against , which Domenic Powell argues, rises to and three-time presidential candidate , whom Le Pen complimented for his stance on the. In February 2017, two more conservative Republican Congressmen, and , also met with Le Pen in Paris. In 2017, Marine Le Pen met with and was interviewed for the British radio station by former leader , who had previously been critical of the FN. Apart from the party's membership in the parliamentary group and its European party , the FN also cooperates with 's and Czech Republic's. 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